Study the chart showing levels of American troops in Vietnam. A 2-column table with 9 rows titled U S Military Forces in Vietnam from 1964 to 1972. The first column is labeled Year with entries 1964, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, and 1972. The second column is labeled U S Military Forces with entries 23,300; 184,300; 385,300; 485,600; 536,100; 475,200; 234,600; 156,800; and 24,200.

Based on this chart, why did antiwar protests peak in the late 1960s?

The number of troops sent to Vietnam was steadily increasing.

The number of forces fighting in Vietnam decreased far too rapidly.

The number of US forces in Vietnam had doubled from 1964 to 1968.

The number of US troops in Vietnam had reached half a million by 1966.

What was one of the major goals of the American Indian Movement?

protecting land rights and treaties from the past
bringing an end to segregation in public facilities
creating better conditions for migrant farm workers
providing better access to school entrances

In the 1970s, women’s rights activists worked to secure the passage of

Which US policy does the demilitarized zone on the Korean peninsula represent?

aggression
containment
diplomacy
cooperation

President Johnson’s Great Society was intended to create a society free of

communism.
discrimination.
poverty.
taxes.

The graph shows total US federal spending from 1960 to 1969.

Which criticism of the Great Society does this graph best illustrate?

It increased poverty rates.
It increased the federal budget.
Not enough was spent on foreign policy.
Poverty decreased only slightly.

What did Executive Order 9981 desegregate?

restaurants and eateries
schools
buses and transportation
the military

Which of the following are results of the Voting Act of 1965? Check all that apply.

More African Americans serve as elected government officials.
Fewer legal barriers exist to prevent African Americans from voting.
More discriminatory voting laws have been created.
More tools are available to the federal government to ensure equal voting rights.
Fewer African Americans are registered voters.

As citizens grow increasingly wary of whose interests are being represented in the public policy arena, especially in light of recent sensational scandals showing a cozy relationship between professional lobbyists and lawmakers, a crisis of confidence is engulfing many democratic societies across the european and north american continents. public perceptions of undue influence peddling, in which special interest groups exercise too much sway over government for self-serving purposes, have led to growing demands for the regulation of lobbyists and transparency of the policymaking process. the united states and canada have been struggling for decades to refine their systems of lobbyist regulation. of all the shortcomings of the north american model of lobbyist regulation – and there are many – transparency is not, for the most part, one of them. many european countries have also been experimenting with systems of lobbyist regulation. until recently, however, the european national experiments have produced very different results among themselves and in comparison with the north american counterparts. surprisingly, some of the earliest efforts to regulate lobbying occurred among new democratic countries in eastern europe rather than the more advanced industrial democracies of western europe. this observation stands in stark contrast to the north american experience, where lobbyist regulation emerged as an effort to manage a highly developed class of professional lobbyists within the strictures of long-standing democratic principles. the authors find that the answer to this anomaly lies in the fact that early european lobbyist regulations focused not on  transparency  as a means to regain public confidence in government, but on providing business interests with  access  to lawmakers as a means to bolster fledgling economies. this focus on access is quickly giving way to demands for transparency as many european governments, racked by scandal, are striving to salvage the public's trust. propelled largely by example from a reluctant european parliament and commission, which are themselves attempting to convince europe that a regional government is in its own interest, several european countries are beginning to make a transition from weak systems of lobbyist regulation, which emphasize business access, to strong systems of lobbyist regulation, which emphasize public transparency. in order to discern ‘best’ practices for achieving transparency through lobbying regulation, the authors first chart the regulatory systems of the united states and canada. that is followed by an analysis of all of the european lobbying regimes. the oft-expressed objection to this new trend toward transparency in europe – that professional lobbyists view such regulations as overly burdensome – is undercut by research on european and american lobbyists’ attitudes toward regulation, which are generally quite favorable. like everyone else, lobbyists realize that they have an image problem and that the best way to address that problem is by operating in the broad daylight of public transparency. finally, the authors offer recommendations on how to enhance transparency in policymaking, drawing from detailed comparisons of the north american and european models of lobbyist regulation.